For no other president, to this point, has the consensus
opinion changed so drastically. As recently as the 1960s Andrew Johnson was
seen as the man who attempted to shepherd through Lincoln’s magnanimous policy
toward reconstructing the South; a defender of the Constitution and its system
of checks and balances against the vindictive Radical Republicans led by
Thaddeus Stevens. Johnson is now more likely to be viewed as a humorless racist
with no regard for the atrocities being committed in the Southern states. As is often the case, the truth is probably
somewhere in the middle.
Johnson grew up fatherless and poor, born in a shack in
North Carolina. He had no formal schooling and taught himself to read. When he
reached adulthood he moved to Tennessee and served as the town tailor. He continued
to learn and joined debating societies where he impressed locals, who would
ultimately elect him to various offices including mayor, the state legislature,
four terms in the House of Representatives, governor of Tennessee, and ultimately
to the United States Senate. He was known as a good speaker in Congress and he
instituted Tennessee’s first public school system as governor.
After Lincoln’s election Johnson made himself into a
national figure. Johnson was the lone Southern voice in Congress to speak out
against secession and even returned to Tennessee to attempt to keep his state
in the Union. This was a courageous and lonely act which put him and his family
in physical danger. They were forced to flee to Kentucky when Tennessee joined
the Confederacy. When the Union Army was able to take control of parts of
Tennessee, Johnson was installed by Lincoln as wartime governor.
Andrew Johnson |
Six weeks later, Lincoln lay dead and Johnson was sworn in
as the 17th president. Trouble began early as Johnson allowed
Southern states to send many high ranking Confederates to Congress. The
Radicals fought back by refusing to recognize any Senators from the former
Confederate States. Returning to the changing opinion of Johnson’s presidency,
where historians once saw a man who was carrying out Lincoln’s “malice toward
none,” many now see a man choosing to ignore atrocities, often murders, being committed
routinely against blacks, Republicans, and US soldiers in the southern states.
A major fear of the Radical lawmakers was the potential
political power of a fully reinstated south. The 13th amendment counterintuitively
increased the South’s power as their many black residents were now counted
instead of being counted as 3/5s of a person. The fear, and
reality, was that blacks would be kept from having any place in society or
voice at the ballot box while the number of southern representatives in the
House would increase.
The Radicals in Congress sparred with Johnson throughout his
term. Johnson went around the country giving inflammatory speeches against the
Radicals while Congress passed laws over Johnson’s veto. The Radicals in
Congress toyed with the idea of impeachment. One of these laws that Congress
passed to limit Johnson’s power was the Tenure of Office Act, whereby the
president needed the Senate’s blessing to remove many appointed officials.
Though the law’s constitutionality was dubious, these were tense times. When
Johnson removed Secretary of War Edwin Stanton and replaced him with General
Lorenzo Thomas, Congress found their impeachable offence. On February 24, 1868,
roughly three years in to Johnson’s presidency, Congress voted 126-47 in favor
of impeachment.
The demographics of the Senate did not bode well for
Johnson. Needing a 2/3 vote for conviction, the Senate was comprised
of nine Democrats and 45 Republicans, three of the Republicans were “Johnson
Republicans.” The defense seemingly needed to swing seven votes. The trial
would go on for over two months in the spring of 1868. It was a hot ticket and those
who were able to get one eagerly attended.
As the trial wore on and the vote neared, it became clear
that it was going to be close and would likely come down to the Republican from
Kansas, Edmund Ross. When Ross stood to say “not guilty” in front of a silent
room it was all but over. Although derided by Republicans at the time, history
began to view Ross’s vote as courageous. Future President John F. Kennedy included
Ross as one of eight Senators featured in his Pulitzer Prize-winning book Profiles in Courage. However, strong
circumstantial evidence suggests Ross along with John Henderson (Missouri),
Joseph Fowler (Tennessee), and Peter Van Winkle (West Virginia) was bribed. There
also appears to have been six more no votes bought if needed. The bribery was
likely executed by the so-called Astor House Group with help from Assistant
Secretary of the Treasury Edmund Cooper. William Seward and Johnson likely had
knowledge of the general scheme if not the particulars of it.
Despite his victory over the Radicals and escape of complete
political disgrace, there was no chance Johnson would be reelected. The
Democrats did not even nominate him for the election of 1868 in which Ulysses
Grant soundly defeated Democratic nominee Horatio Seymour. After the election
Johnson returned to Tennessee with a bitter taste in his mouth. He sought
political redemption in the form of a Senate seat running in 1869 and 1872
before winning a seat in 1875. He died of a stroke during a recess four months
in to his term.
I would like to end this post with the same paragraph that
David Stewart ended his book with. I find the quote especially poignant now, at
a time when Americans are so down on our elected officials.
Americans, perhaps all people, expect historical crises to be met by heroes – Washingtons, Franklins, Lincolns, and Roosevelts. A nation learns a great deal more about itself and its system of government when a crisis has to be met by people of lesser talents. In the impeachment crises of 1868, none of the country’s leaders were great, a few were good, all were angry, and far too many were despicable. Still, we survived.